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Trying to put it all together and doesn't help that I'm also not convinced the maple tree and fence shots, plus the barrel shot claimed by Taylor - if that even happened - did not in fact take place before those events, rather than following on from them.

The pivotal New Era account implies a certain sequence, however, what if that's simply the way it's written and had instead read:
Taking this a step further, it's important to realise that the New Era report, which is the genesis for a timeline which has been accepted and forms the basis for same in the narratives of both Edwards and Taylor, does not contain a single quote from any of the witnesses.

It's a second-hand retelling (my emphasis):

"Both Chief Greenwell and Deputy Sheriff Batts said they got ....approximately.... this story from the still terrified and excited Sutton and Taylor families".

There is no indication it's intended to be a timeline of events and significantly I can not, so far, locate any actual testimonial from any of the participants that the maple tree and fence shots, or a barrel shot, occurred after the window screen shot, as opposed to beforehand.

However, this seemingly sole, second-hand newspaper article developed into, for example, in Isabel Davis' report:

"They screamed at him, and Alene Sutton seized him to pull him back into the house. Lucky, close behind Taylor, pushed past him into the yard, turned the 12-gauge shotgun up toward the creature on the overhang, fired and knocked it over the roof.

"There's one up in the tree, too," Billy Ray said - it was on the limb of the maple tree to the right as you leave the house. Both Lucky and Taylor shot at that one, knocking him off the limb; he floated to the ground, they shot at him again, and he too scurried off into the weeds.

Almost at the same moment, around the north west corner of the house, right in front of Lucky, came another one - or the same one that had been knocked over the ridgepole".

I can, presently, find zero factual basis for this sequence, as interpreted by Isabel Davis.

Furthermore, I can not identify the foundation for another central claim in her account:

"One incident illustrates particularly well the creatures' reported ability to "float." a scraping or tapping noise was heard on the kitchen roof, and the men went into the back yard to see a creature moving up that roof. They shot at it and knocked it from the roof; then it "floated" to the back fence - a distance of some 40-odd feet - where it seemed to perch; they shot again, knocked it off the fence, and this time it scurried off into the weeds in the "all-fours" position'".

Whilst possibly mistaken, at no time, anywhere is this sequence described by a participant.

It all seems to be founded on the New Era article, which in itself is a dubious source of evidence, further including this ridiculous 'narrative':

"Spokesmen for the crowd told of how something resembling a space ship or flying saucer had landed at the back of their house near Kelly and 12 or 15 men, who appeared to be about 4 feet tall, had got out of the ship and come up to the house and done battle with the occupants".

Passing thoughts for now, anyway and as always subject to revision, if necessary. :cool:
 
While we're on the subject of Davis vs. Edwards ...
I don't want to spend too much time on this aspect, however, for the record, I believe it's now becoming clearer where further evidential issues can be identified in Isabel Davis' report:

Following on from the above, she continues:

"When a direct blast from a 12-gauge shotgun had no effect, Lucky made an obvious decision; he would leave the things alone. The men men went back into the house to try to think what to do next".

This is simply narrative conjecture - we have no idea what Sutton was thinking, or evidence they returned to the house at this point.

Continuing:

"Several times, apparently, the men thought they had driven the creatures off for good, only to have them return after an interval. This is indicated by Lucky's statement, quoted in one newspaper, that the creatures "came up to the house six times," and also by the fact that the family waited so long before going for help".

I can get no trace of this claimed newspaper quote anywhere.

As I have surmised, the family would not have waited for a lengthy period, if the main shooting incidents did not commence until following Mrs Langford's 10:30 sighting, precisely as she apparently told Albert Andre during his own investigation.

Furthermore:

"The children were frightened too, in spite of efforts to reassure them and even to prevent them from seeing the creatures at all. But they could not be kept in bed. At least once, one child was in the front yard when a creature was seen and fired at; and by the time the family left the house, one child was screaming with fear and had to be carried to the car".

There doesn't appear to be any documented evidence of this.

In essence, it's all one person's take on how the sequence of events unfolded, in order to comply with what the timescale was believed to be and nothing amiss with that.

This isn't yet touching on another major factor - the claims made by Isabel Davis which appear to be based solely on unpublished testimonial obtained by Ledwith and now incorporated in her revised report as factual.

The background is explained by Hynek, in his 1978 book, 'The Hynek UFO Report':

Mr. Ledwith recorded the following comments from various of the witnesses : many bullets were fired and a twelve-gauge shotgun was used...

Whenever it was hit, it would float or fall over and scurry for cover... The shots when striking the object would sound as though they were hitting a bucket. The objects made no sound - while jumping or walking or falling.

The undergrowth would rustle as the objects went through it... There was no sound of walking. The objects were seemingly weightless as they would float down from trees more than fall from them.

When they approached the house in all cases, the arms were raised in a "stick 'em up" fashion, and they would approach very slowly on their hind feet.

When struck with bullets or a flashlight, they would drop to hands position and run. Since the talon curls much in the same fashion as a hawk's and the hands were raised above the head, it apparently looked rather like an attack position. However, it may have been a friendly gesture to indicate that they had no weapons.

They would move slowly when in this position towards the houses and made no attempt to enter. They just stood and stared until they were frightened away.

On several occasions, all lights were turned out back and front and then they would approach from any angle".

That's my present understanding and why it maybe seems relevant to the historical background?
 
As an aside, we can see Isabel Davis also perhaps incorporating material from newspaper articles as factual, for example:

"The glow of the bodies increased when they were shot at or shouted at - as if noise affected the luminosity".

That seems to be straight from the 'Leaf-Chronicle' article of 24 August:

'Their entire bodies lit up or glowed when they shouted, according to all of the witnesses".

This is the same one with Hodson's sketches and a claim that all of the witnesses had seen the flying saucer both land and take off again.

See my recent post #975, for a further clear indication of this publication being one of Isabel Davis seemingly many, disparate influences in her telling of the story.
 
... "Several times, apparently, the men thought they had driven the creatures off for good, only to have them return after an interval. This is indicated by Lucky's statement, quoted in one newspaper, that the creatures "came up to the house six times," and also by the fact that the family waited so long before going for help".
I can get no trace of this claimed newspaper quote anywhere. ...

The 'six times' bit was claimed the following day in the Madisonville Messenger, 22 August, p. 3:
Made 6 Visits

... In the course of about three hours the strange fellows made six visits to the house, being run off each time by 'Lucky' Sutton's shotgun or his brother's .22 pistol. ...
 
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... "The children were frightened too, in spite of efforts to reassure them and even to prevent them from seeing the creatures at all. But they could not be kept in bed. At least once, one child was in the front yard when a creature was seen and fired at; and by the time the family left the house, one child was screaming with fear and had to be carried to the car".
There doesn't appear to be any documented evidence of this. ...

I also noticed this odd citation of a child being outside during a sighting / shooting event, but I've not found any documentary source that suggests, much less confirms, its accuracy.

The location(s) and experiences of the 3 minor children represent one of the foggiest areas of the whole narrative. The children's situation on the night of the incident is hardly mentioned at all in the contemporary newspaper articles.

The Evansville Press article of 22 August claims the shooters stood guard while the women and children were on the floor.

In the New Era article of 23 August Mary Lankford says she never saw anything, and Ms. Glennie stated none of the 3 minor children had seen anything.

Geraldine Stith's narrative has the children inside the house once the sighting / shooting started.

I don't recall seeing any of the grown children (in the various video interviews) claiming to have personally witnessed the visitors. There's at least one of these more recent accounts that mentions the kids being put underneath a bed for protection.
 
I also noticed this odd citation of a child being outside during a sighting / shooting event, but I've not found any documentary source that suggests, much less confirms, its accuracy.

The location(s) and experiences of the 3 minor children represent one of the foggiest areas of the whole narrative. The children's situation on the night of the incident is hardly mentioned at all in the contemporary newspaper articles.

The Evansville Press article of 22 August claims the shooters stood guard while the women and children were on the floor.

In the New Era article of 23 August Mary Lankford says she never saw anything, and Ms. Glennie stated none of the 3 minor children had seen anything.

Geraldine Stith's narrative has the children inside the house once the sighting / shooting started.

I don't recall seeing any of the grown children (in the various video interviews) claiming to have personally witnessed the visitors. There's at least one of these more recent accounts that mentions the kids being put underneath a bed for protection.

The interview with Lonnie quoted in an early 2000s article towards the start of this thread has him and the other children being put under the bed for protection (which I suppose raises an immediate question - was this protection from 'visitors', or from adults "running amok" with guns?)

I had also noticed Davis's somewhat startling claim about one of the children being in the front yard at one point, not something I have seen in any other account.
 
The interview with Lonnie quoted in an early 2000s article towards the start of this thread has him and the other children being put under the bed for protection (which I suppose raises an immediate question - was this protection from 'visitors', or from adults "running amok" with guns?) ...

Self-protection from other residents gone amok / too far is a quite viable rationale for taking cover.

Firing a gun inside a home is definitely a "step too far" in most anyone's etiquette. As I mentioned earlier, I think things escalated to an "out of control" status once a shot was fired inside the house.

The problem lies in determining at what point this first occurred. Some versions of the initial sighting of / shooting at the first-observed visitor claim Lucky and Taylor were inside the (bedroom) back door when they fired. Others state - or at least insinuate - they'd stepped back outside after arming themselves before shooting. No account mentions damage (or not) to the bedroom back door screen to demonstrate whether or not the first shots were fired from inside or outside.

The earliest most-universally-cited events that definitely involved gunshots fired inside were the two alleged shotgun blasts through the living room window. The earlier living room shooting preceded the head-grab event. The later one didn't happen until the police had come and gone. The window screen / frame damage supports the notion of two shots having been fired, but it can also be construed as indicating three.

Then there's the Taylor shot fired through a screen as he waited with Ms. Glennie ... This event is mentioned in only a small subset of the accounts (particularly the Andre report), and the accounts that bother to mention it (and / or Taylor's location on watch) vary as to which door or window it was through which he fired. No contemporary account mentions damage (or not) to the dogwalk front / back doors or any other windows to indicate where this shot may have been made.

There are also at least two additional times someone (most often cited as Lucky) fired at something on the house's roof - meaning he was outside aiming in the direction of the house. The best-known is the front yard shooting after exiting during the head-grab event. The second one is the less-mentioned firing from the back yard at a visitor on the kitchen roof.

It would seem the majority of explicitly-reported gunshots were made from inside the house or outside aiming at the house. It would therefore be understandable that the other residents were more afraid of the shooters than the targeted creatures (whom we have no reason to believe roughly half of the residents ever observed).
 
Self-protection from other residents gone amok / too far is a quite viable rationale for taking cover.

Firing a gun inside a home is definitely a "step too far" in most anyone's etiquette. As I mentioned earlier, I think things escalated to an "out of control" status once a shot was fired inside the house.

The problem lies in determining at what point this first occurred. Some versions of the initial sighting of / shooting at the first-observed visitor claim Lucky and Taylor were inside the (bedroom) back door when they fired. Others state - or at least insinuate - they'd stepped back outside after arming themselves before shooting. No account mentions damage (or not) to the bedroom back door screen to demonstrate whether or not the first shots were fired from inside or outside.

The earliest most-universally-cited events that definitely involved gunshots fired inside were the two alleged shotgun blasts through the living room window. The earlier living room shooting preceded the head-grab event. The later one didn't happen until the police had come and gone. The window screen / frame damage supports the notion of two shots having been fired, but it can also be construed as indicating three.

Then there's the Taylor shot fired through a screen as he waited with Ms. Glennie ... This event is mentioned in only a small subset of the accounts (particularly the Andre report), and the accounts that bother to mention it (and / or Taylor's location on watch) vary as to which door or window it was through which he fired. No contemporary account mentions damage (or not) to the dogwalk front / back doors or any other windows to indicate where this shot may have been made.

There are also at least two additional times someone (most often cited as Lucky) fired at something on the house's roof - meaning he was outside aiming in the direction of the house. The best-known is the front yard shooting after exiting during the head-grab event. The second one is the less-mentioned firing from the back yard at a visitor on the kitchen roof.

It would seem the majority of explicitly-reported gunshots were made from inside the house or outside aiming at the house. It would therefore be understandable that the other residents were more afraid of the shooters than the targeted creatures (whom we have no reason to believe roughly half of the residents ever observed).

It's interesting that most of the shots appear to have been made by Lucky and Taylor, with J. C. little involved. Again, to me this heightens the suggestion - hinted at both by Maj Albert and Russell Ferguson - of some sort of entirely psychologically generated (for want of a better word) episode with these two men at the centre of it.

That's not to say there wasn't some physical stimulus involved - whether that was a bit of foil, or as Ferguson suggested the appearance of a housecat at the wrong moment - but it doesn't require sustained misperception of birds or the presence of escaped monkeys. All you need are the priming events of Lankford's article, whatever that was, and Taylor's sighting of an object apparently landing nearby.

NB. I noticed that interview with Lonnie did suggest that the residents had just returned from a church service.
 
NB. I noticed that interview with Lonnie did suggest that the residents had just returned from a church service.
Yes, and that's arguably significant (to extent we can be sure of anything).

The story that's come down through the family seemingly includes church attendance on Sunday the 21st.

Geraldine Stith claimed the family attended church twice that day - both morning services and an evening gathering. She also claimed Lucky went hunting that morning while others (unspecified in detail) went to church, then traveled to Hopkinsville to visit his older brothers later in the day.

It's the third party writers (investigators; reporters) who skip over the issue or vaguely deny church attendance on that day.
 
The 'six times' bit was claimed the following day in the Madisonville Messenger, 22 August, p. 3:
Thank you - although searching for this quote within the newspaper.com archives, I ran a simple trace for "six times", as quoted by Isabel Davis', whereas the actual published phrase in the newspaper is "six visits", i.e.: not:

"came up to the house six times", as quoted by Isabel, it's

"... the strange fellows made six visits to the house".

Same difference though and duly resolved. In fact, we have previously discussed Isabel's interpretation of this and concluded that Sutton's claimed quote "six visits" might simply refer to the six or so shots we could identify, not necessarily that the creatures went away and came back again, on six separate occasions, as Isabel implies.

Again, a 'glimpse of evidence', left open to interpretation.

That's been helpful though and appreciated.
 
"... the strange fellows made six visits to the house".
Which reminds of a fundamental aspect we need to keep in mind, there may only ever have been two unidentified entities involved - seemingly never more than that witnessed at any one time.

Indeed, within Isabel's report, is the following suggestion.

"When I interviewed her, Mrs. Lankford, in fact, insisted that no more than one had ever been seen at a time".
 
There's at least one of these more recent accounts that mentions the kids being put underneath a bed for protection.
There assuredly is; from an article in the 'Lexington Herald-Leader', on 23 August, 2005, re the 50th anniversary festival:

"Lonnie Lankford, 62, of Christian County was one of three children in the Sutton home that night.

(...)

He told the crowd he remembers the shots and the commotion that night, but little else.

Lankford spent most of the evening under a bed - his mother hid him and the other two children there earlier in the evening, he said".
 
It's interesting that most of the shots appear to have been made by Lucky and Taylor, with J. C. little involved. ...

There were no more than 3 shooters during the entire incident - Lucky, Taylor, and J. C.

Lucky is consistently cited as using a 12-gauge shotgun exclusively throughout the night. Taylor used a .22 caliber weapon variously cited as a 'target pistol', a rifle, or who-knows-what. J. C. is cited as having used the 20-gauge shotgun in firing through the living room window (the famous 'square hole' the police found at the scene). Otherwise, J. C. is mentioned more often as wielding a pistol or firing off large amounts of .22 ammo.

That is the most precise summary that can be offered, because the various accounts / reports / retellings vary in mentioning / attributing:

- which type of .22 weapon Taylor used;
- which weapon (shotgun vs. .22 pistol) J. C. was using at any given time other than the living room window shot; and
- which Sutton was firing a shotgun in multiple of the individual shooting events.

This last point of variation - identification of which Sutton was firing a shotgun - may be the most significant point of confusion. Multiple among the various accounts repeatedly refer to a 'Cecil' Sutton, who didn't exist, most often apparently meaning Elmer / Lucky Sutton. Some accounts (with or without invoking the non-existent Cecil) seem to indicate Lucky or J. C. fired a shotgun rather than the other brother to whom a given shotgun firing is most often attributed.

There are at least one or two accounts that seem to attribute the (first; earlier) living room window shot to Lucky rather than J. C. On the one hand, this contradicts and confuses the more or less standard storyline. On the other hand ... If true, this removes the sole shotgun firing explicitly attributed to J. C. and clears the way to consider he may have been using a .22 throughout the night.

If J. C. had been using a .22 exclusively, this doesn't affect the general interpretation of Taylor's involvement. There were two .22 caliber weapons in the house. No account I've ever seen claims Taylor used a shotgun.
 
Speaking of guns and ammo ...

Here is a photo taken of Lucky Sutton on the night of the incident by one or another newspaper person on the scene. It was published in the Madisonville Messenger on 22 August.

LuckyAlone-550822.jpg

Notice that Lucky is wearing an ammo belt / bandolier containing shotgun shells around his waist. He would claim he had fired that shotgun 17 times during the entire night. Only one such shot of his was documented as occurring after the police / news folks left and this photo was taken.

Why are there no empty slots / sleeves on the ammo belt?

Was Lucky unusually fastidious about retrieving and 'holstering' his spent shell casings - in the dark, while as scared as he'd ever been in his life?

Did he refill it and don it back at the house in preparation for the photo?

Or were there far fewer shotgun blasts fired than he would eventually claim?
 
This isn't yet touching on another major factor - the claims made by Isabel Davis which appear to be based solely on unpublished testimonial obtained by Ledwith and now incorporated in her revised report as factual.

The background is explained by Hynek, in his 1978 book, 'The Hynek UFO Report':
Having taken this all in.... things which have perplexed, might now be explained.

Hynek writes:

"The Center for UFO Studies is shortly to publish a detailed account of this case by Isabel Davis, incorporating much of the investigation of the incident performed by Bud Ledwith and therefore made before Mrs. Langford and her family had grown thoroughly disgusted with curiosity-seekers".

So, it's effectively Ledwith's research, not that of Isabel Davis.

Hynek confirming;

"Ms. Davis took up the trail a year later after things had completely quieted down, and obtaining the cooperation of the primary witnesses, reviewed the entire incident from this remove in time".

Consequently, Isabel's report is a 'review', incorporating disperate elements, all presented in one narrative, as if a seamless account of what transpired.

There is no differentiation, or attribution, between various sources.

Hynek does, however, advise us what to expect and that Ledwith's contribution includes:

"Mr. Ledwith recorded the following comments from various of the witnesses : many bullets were fired and a twelve-gauge shotgun was used...

Whenever it was hit, it would float or fall over and scurry for cover... The shots when striking the object would sound as though they were hitting a bucket. The objects made no sound - while jumping or walking or falling.

The undergrowth would rustle as the objects went through it... There was no sound of walking. The objects were seemingly weightless as they would float down from trees more than fall from them.

When they approached the house in all cases, the arms were raised in a "stick 'em up" fashion, and they would approach very slowly on their hind feet.

When struck with bullets or a flashlight, they would drop to hands position and run. Since the talon curls much in the same fashion as a hawk's and the hands were raised above the head, it apparently looked rather like an attack position. However, it may have been a friendly gesture to indicate that they had no weapons.

They would move slowly when in this position towards the houses and made no attempt to enter. They just stood and stared until they were frightened away.

On several occasions, all lights were turned out back and front and then they would approach from any angle".


This, within the published report, presumably then becomes:

"Perhaps the most extraordinary feature of their behavior was their method of locomotion. Whenever they came toward the house they had an upright posture, walking slowly with their hands raised. (Talking to Mr. Ledwith the next morning, Mrs. Lankford said she thought the slow approach and raised hands meant that the creatures were trying to establish communication.)

When struck by shots on a tree-limb or on the roof, they performed their fantastic trick of not falling but floating toward the ground. But whenever they had been knocked over, while on the ground, by a shot, and had "flipped," in the Sutton's phrase, they moved differently. They lowered their hands to the ground and "ran" very rapidly - except that the arms seemed to furnish most of the propulsion; the thin legs, "as spindly as broom handles," seemed to be used only for balance and to move in unison.

The legs were inflexible. When the creatures "ran," the hip joints were flexed slightly - not much of a "bend" was necessary because their arms were so long and the huge hands so close to the ground. But the legs were never seen to bend as if there were a knee joint; they seemed inflexible, and might have almost been stilts. No one noticed the feet, although these must have been visible when the things floated. The arms were bent at the elbow when the creatures approached the house with raised hands, but no other flexibility of arms or hands was noticed, except for a slight movement of the taloned "fingers" when the hand reached down toward Taylor's head. Neither the eyes nor the head were seen to turn to "follow" the movements of the human beings.

One incident illustrates particularly well the creatures' reported ability to "float." a scraping or tapping noise was heard on the kitchen roof, and the men went into the back yard to see a creature moving up that roof. They shot at it and knocked it from the roof; then it "floated" to the back fence - a distance of some 40-odd feet - where it seemed to perch; they shot again, knocked it off the fence, and this time it scurried off into the weeds in the "all-fours" position'.

Except for the big glowing yellow eyes, the creatures were the same "color" all over. In the dark, this was a phosphorescent or luminescent glow, but when a light was turned on them this changed to a dull metallic look. The body surface gave the witnesses the impression that it was skin; if it was some kind of a space suit, as has been suggested, it covered them completely. The glow of the bodies increased when they were shot at or shouted at - as if noise affected the luminosity.

The strange triangular ears - large, floppy, wrinkled like leather and pointed at the top - were seen by the women as extended somewhat outward, by the men as closer to the head. There was no hair, no indication of sex, and they gave off no smell.

The creatures made no noise at any time; the "mouth," if such it was (see sketches pages 44, 48, 51), never opened, and they made no sound when moving, although the weeds and bushes rustled when the creatures fled into them. The only noise associated with them was a slight scraping sound on the metal roof, as if the points of the talons were dragging lightly across it; this noise was also described as a tapping".


Or.... something along these lines....

Two conclusions, therefore:

1. That is terrific, it has now been somewhat untangled.

2. Well that's just *@&¢%#$ terrific... where the $#@* does it leave us now then...?
 
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Hynek writes:
"The Center for UFO Studies is shortly to publish a detailed account of this case by Isabel Davis, incorporating much of the investigation of the incident performed by Bud Ledwith and therefore made before Mrs. Langford and her family had grown thoroughly disgusted with curiosity-seekers".

So, it's effectively Ledwith's research, not that of Isabel Davis. ...
I wouldn't go so far as to claim Ledwith was the source for all Davis' research findings.

For one thing, Davis personally interviewed a number of people involved during the incident and thereafter. In addition to speaking with Ms. Lankford and Alene she listed:
  • Juanita (Mrs. William E.) McCord, niece by marriage of Mrs. Lankford, who occupied the farm at Kelly in June 1956
  • Russell Greenwell, Chief of Police, Hopkinsville
  • Sgt. Malcolm Pritchett, Hopkinsville Police Department
  • George Batts, Deputy Sheriff, Christian County Sheriff's Office
  • Trooper Russell N. Ferguson, Jr., Kentucky State Police
  • Trooper G.W. Riley and Trooper Simpson (interviewed by telephone), Kentucky State Police
  • Harvey Reeder, staff photographer, Kentucky New Era (the Hopkinsville daily paper)
  • Mrs. Harvey Reeder, Tom Covington, and Joe Dorris, reporters Frank Cameron, news reporter, radio station WHOP
  • Andrew B. ("Bud") Ledwith, engineer-announcer, radio station WHOP
(D & B report, p. 5)

These sources were augmented (eventually) with information from the 1959 Andre report and the Blue Book documentation release in 1974.

In any case, we can't really evaluated how much Davis adopted 'as is' from Ledwith until and unless we determine what material(s) Ledwith shared with her other than his prepared sub-report covering the 22 August interviews and sketching. After all, we still don't have any hard evidence of Ledwith obtaining details about the incident itself (as opposed to details of the visitiors' appearance).
 
In any case, we can't really evaluated how much Davis adopted 'as is' from Ledwith until and unless we determine what material(s) Ledwith shared with her other than his prepared sub-report covering the 22 August interviews and sketching. After all, we still don't have any hard evidence of Ledwith obtaining details about the incident itself (as opposed to details of the visitiors' appearance).
Completely appreciated that Isabel did undertake her own, separate investigation.

The problem is, of course, how to extrapolate one from the other.

Might I run this scenario re the Ledwith material.

Both Hodson, whose sketches were published in the 24 August edition and Ledwith, interviewed witnesses and compiled resultant drawings, on Monday 22 August, having separately learned about the previous night's traumatic events.

In his written record, Ledwith specifically mentions overhearing the dialogue between Hodson and Billy Ray Taylor.

At that point, 'Lucky'Sutton, John Sutton and O.P. Baker had yet to return from Evansville.

Ledwith makes no mention of subsequently also overhearing any conversations between Hodson and them.

The 'Leaf-Chronicle' article contains a number of details concerning the creatures appearance and methods of locomotion, apparently obtained from all the witnesses, noting the aspects they disagreed upon.

Is that correct? Were the Sutton brothers and Baker also interviewed by Hodson and did Ledwith overhear as well... perhaps even invited by Hodson to 'listen in'?

Is that why the additional details published by Isabel Davis were not included in Ledwith's documented account, i.e. he strictly did not obtain them himself?

If that's not the case, why didn't he incorporate them in his otherwise detailed record?

There surely has to be a connection here?

As noted, in Isabel's report, we first hear from Ledwith (presumably), that 'the glow of the bodies increased when they were shot at or shouted at'. However, this claim, appears in the article as, "their entire bodies lit up or glowed when they shouted".

:thought:

How did this article actually come about - it wasn't published until the 24th?

For those who maybe haven't seen it and would like to, this is the full article -two parts:

www.forteanmedia.com/1955_08_24_1_Leaf.pdf

www.forteanmedia.com/1955_08_24_2_Leaf.pdf

Ultimately, what perplexes most of all is that there seems far too much detail at times, given it was dark outside the farmhouse.

How close did the creatures allegedly come... you could see the whites of their eyes. :)

".... large eyes which were white with a cornea of luminous yellow that shone in the dark".

Having not reviewed this article for quite some time, since before a heron was ever mentioned, how intriguing to now see a description that our 'large ears' might have "flapped or wobbled every time the men ran"...
 
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RE: Hodson, Taylor (et al.), the women, and Hodson's interviews

Based on Ledwith's account of the activities on the 22nd (the only detailed account we've yet seen):

Hodson didn't arrive at the farmhouse until after Ledwith had returned for his evening session (circa 1930). The 3 men who'd gone to Evansville wouldn't return until circa 2030, and Ledwith began talking with Taylor. Ledwith had time to draw a sketch of the UFO Taylor had seen, then began to modify his earlier (Taylor-informed) sketch developed earlier in the day based on new info. Ledwith wrote that he'd begun to realize Taylor was elaborating to a degree that gave him (Ledwith) pause, and he willingly passed Taylor off to Hodson when Hodson arrived.

Ledwith didn't hazard a guess as to when Hodson arrived or when he passed Taylor off to him, but it's clear Ledwith had substantial face-time with Taylor before he handed him off to Hodson.

Hodson continued to work with Taylor at the other side of the room as Ledwith engaged with the 3 Evansville travelers, who arrived back at the farmhouse circa 2030. Ledwith clearly states the women were in the other (living) room while he was working with the 3 men and Hodson continued to work with Taylor. Except for the interchange in which Taylor said he'd seen a nose (which the 3 men couldn't agree on) and Lucky shut him down, there's no mention of Hodson having even a passive participation in any discussion with the 3 men.

If Hodson spoke directly with the women or the 3 men, it had to have happened after Ledwith departed circa 2230. Ledwith stated the women came into the bedroom and conversed with him and the 3 men after he'd finished his sketch of their version, but he also states Hodson was still working on his own sketch of Taylor's version at the time. Ledwith says he spoke with the family members for approximately 30 minutes, then checked with Hodson as he was finishing his version of the Taylor sketch, and then departed.

There's nothing in Ledwith's account (within the D & B report) to indicate Hodson ever substantially 'interviewed' anyone other than Taylor.

Neither is there anything in Ledwith's account to indicate Hodson probed on any subject other than the visitors' appearance.

Hodson certainly didn't hear what Ledwith had heard from the witnesses ...

Hodson claimed a majority of the witnesses reported a curved mouth with protruding upper lip (the Taylor version). Ledwith clearly stated a majority of the 6 men / women were satisfied with a wide straight mouth (though 2 of the men initially claimed to have never seen any mouth).

Hodson sketched a pointed chin, which the women had reported but the 3 men explicitly rejected.

Hodson sketched the 'visor' and nose that only appears in the Taylor sketches.

Hodson illustrated arm and leg articulations that no other witness described.

Hodson sketched the circular 'suction cup' feet that no one except Taylor described. Everyone else claimed to have no clear impression of the visitors' feet.

The only point where the Clarksville article seems to be informed by people other than Taylor is the part concerning no consensus on the visitors' means / mode of locomotion.

Furthermore, there's no reason to believe any of this article's content (other than the sketches) came solely or straight from Hodson himself. The Clarksville article seems to represent a reporter's gleanings from having interviewed Hodson, possibly augmented with points obtained elsewhere (maybe including a Clarksville reporter's visit to the farmhouse on the 22nd). Hodson is clearly cited as an interviewee.

As such, I have no reason to believe Hodson spoke at length with anyone other than Taylor. If I'm not mistaken, the various versions of the visitors' locomotion could have been gleaned from other news reports published or broadcast up to 2 days before the Clarksville article was published.
 
There's nothing in Ledwith's account (within the D & B report) to indicate Hodson ever substantially 'interviewed' anyone other than Taylor.
i concur and having gone over it all again.... and again..., can not see any merit that Ledwith picked up on information from Hodson's interview, which Ledwith subsequently incorporated.

What we seem to have and I simply do not understand why, is evidence attributed to Ledwith, which exists in two formats.

The first is our detailed statement, as published in the report. This summaries his three, seperate and succeeding interviews with the women, Taylor on his return from a hunting trip and latterly, the Sutton brothers, plus O.P. Baker, when they arrived back from Evansville.

Hynek writes:

"My synopsis of the case is based on material obtained directly from Bud Ledwith, who at that time was engineer-announcer at radio station WHOP in Hopkinsville, and who on the morning after the event interviewed all seven adult members of the group. What follows are a number of relevant passages from the notarized account of the investigation he made on the morning following the sighting:

Seven adults were interviewed in three groups : the three women at noon the following morning, the one man who had been in the field working since about eight A.M. the same morning, and the other three men after they had returned from an ali-day trip to Evansville, Indiana, about eight P.M. that evening. The following was a correlation between those three separate reports. None of the involved groups had an opportunity to talk to each other about the event since around eight A.M. that morning.

All groups agreed that the height of the creatures was from two and a half to three and a half feet. They all agreed that the head was bald, the same color as the body; the head was rather oblong like an egg".

All straightforward and aggrees with the published statement in Isabel's report.


Then Hynek adds:

"Mr. Ledwith recorded the following comments from various of the witnesses : many bullets were fired and a twelve-gauge shotgun was used...

Whenever it was hit, it would float or fall over and scurry for cover... The shots when striking the object would sound as though they were hitting a bucket. The objects made no sound - while jumping or walking or falling.

The undergrowth would rustle as the objects went through it... There was no sound of walking. The objects were seemingly weightless as they would float down from trees more than fall from them.

When they approached the house in all cases, the arms were raised in a "stick 'em up" fashion, and they would approach very slowly on their hind feet.

When struck with bullets or a flashlight, they would drop to hands position and run. Since the talon curls much in the same fashion as a hawk's and the hands were raised above the head, it apparently looked rather like an attack position. However, it may have been a friendly gesture to indicate that they had no weapons.

They would move slowly when in this position towards the houses and made no attempt to enter. They just stood and stared until they were frightened away.

On several occasions, all lights were turned out back and front and then they would approach from any angle".

What does it mean by "recorded"?

None of this exists within Ledwith's statement.

Obvious questions being why not and where and when was it 'recorded'.

Naturally, Isabel's inclusion of these claims, with no distinct attribution, has been the source of considerable confusion.

The result, if included as case evidence, portrays our case as being unfathomably complex.

Especially as it necessities lengthy and close observations from whomever has made these claims.

And there I must personally press 'pause' and send out a plea for assistance!

Your clarification to which I reply, was immensely helpful, as always and at least we can now perhaps identify the genesis of such perplexity.
 
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Hynek was writing twenty-some years after the fact and pretty obviously was motivated to tout the imminent Davis report, which had lain fallow for roughly two decades. Hynek's account of the facts is ragged enough to suggest he still hadn't paid much attention to the Kelly / Hopkinsville story (as he admitted he hadn't back when it occurred). Hynek's comments are riddled with errors.

We previously established (see my post of 23 October) that - contrary to Gross' claim - Davis had NOT seen / reviewed Ledwith's documentation or sketches until she traveled to Hopkinsville in June 1956. Phrased another way - Davis undertook the trip to research and produce the definitive report on the incident, only to discover *after* arriving that much of what she'd hoped to uncover and document had already been collected by Ledwith. Oops ...

I suspect Davis assembled and issued her own report sometime following May 1957 (the last announcement of issuance found in the CSI newsletter), then basically dropped the project or at least let it lie.

There's also the fact that the serious UFO organizations of the era wanted to document UFOs per se, without a lot of peripheral stuff about (e.g.) contacts with purported UFO occupants. I don't believe a story focused on goblins was considered a 'sure-fire hit' in those days among those folks.

In any case, nobody seems to have pushed for further research into the incident until 20 years (+ / -) later, when someone (most probably Hynek) decided it would make a good publication.

To make matters worse ... There may have been some hurt feelings and / or dogfighting between Davis and Ledwith in the mean time. Davis looked a bit foolish for waltzing into Hopkinsville unaware of Ledwith's data collection, and Ledwith could have been miffed at Davis getting the major credit for a report that contained a lot of his own work. As you well know, this sort of interpersonal in-fighting was par for the course among those early UFO cliques.

We don't know how much material Ledwith provided to Davis. All we know is that a discrete chunk of text focused on the 22 August sketching sessions was slotted into the eventual (1978) big report, along with miscellaneous in-line tidbits attributed to Ledwith. We have no way of knowing whether these pieces represent the entirety of what Ledwith provided Davis.

We also don't know what Davis' original (1957) report / manuscript contained. Without it we have no way of knowing how much of Ledwith's material Davis initially included.

I suspect Hynek went to the extent of listing points that Ledwith had uncovered because getting credit for them had been a sore point for Ledwith. Otherwise, the listing seems to be one of the most unnecessarily clumsy introductions I've ever seen.

I would also point out that most of the items in that listing of Ledwith discoveries are things that are directly mentioned or suggested in the earliest news accounts and Sanders' report.
 
There's also the fact that the serious UFO organizations of the era wanted to document UFOs per se, without a lot of peripheral stuff about (e.g.) contacts with purported UFO occupants. I don't believe a story focused on goblins was considered a 'sure-fire hit' in those days among those folks.
You mirror my thoughts on this central perspective.

On which, I have unearthed what must surely be the first ever, contemporary, case report published by a 'flying saucer' related organisation.

It's from:

THE FLYING SAUCER REVIEW
A REPORT ON INTERPLANETARY AIRCRAFT
September, 1955

www.forteanmedia.com/1955_FSR.pdf

Ironically though, therein our case is welcomed as further evidence of the overall phenomena.

However, as your good self and many of us appreciate, it's perhaps an exception.

Foremost in this fascinating snapshot is one endeavour... the ongoing campaign to end a nefarious government cover-up about the reality and existence of flying saucers.

I note readers are encouraged to report sightings of 'Unidentifed Flying Objects', not merely 'flying saucers', to the 'Space Observers League'. :D
 
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THE FLYING SAUCER REVIEW
A REPORT ON INTERPLANETARY AIRCRAFT
September, 1955
www.forteanmedia.com/1955_FSR.pdf
Ironically though, therein our case is welcomed as further evidence of the overall phenomena. ...
Foremost in this fascinating snapshot is one endeavour... the ongoing campaign to end a nefarious government cover-up about the reality and existence of flying saucers.

Nowhere is this campaign more evident than in the introductory Editorial, which claims the nature of the phenomenon is evident and authorities are working overtime to hide the truth (i.e., what this and other UFO organizations / enterprises believe and promote).

To buttress these claims the Editorial's author trumpets the following bald-faced assertion as evidence supporting his / their beliefs:
On August 25th, Captain Robert White, a member of the Saucer investigating staff at Wright Patterson Air Force Base, Dayton, Ohio said that the consensus of Americans who have reported seeing invaders from outer space in the past four years is that:

1. The space visitors are little guys, less than four feet tall.
2. They are greenish.
3. They usually glow, especially if excited.
4. Often they smell.
(p. 3; rearranged for readability)

Notice that this assertion skips over the question of what the UFO phenomenon may represent (it's obviously "invaders from outer space"!). Also notice that there's no mention of when or how anyone compiled and documented this alleged consensus, much less where this authoritative analysis might be found.

With respect to the Kelly / Hopkinsville incident, it's even more interesting to note that the 4 consensus features cited for these outer space invaders are precisely what the popular press (primarily) would disseminate as descriptions of what the Kelly residents saw.

The 'greenish' and 'smell' features were explicitly refuted by Sanders (the first published investigatory report on the incident). The 'glowing' and 'if excited' bits appear sporadically, and in diverse forms, throughout the earliest newspaper articles.

As to the perfunctory summary of the incident (pp. 4 - 5), it's almost wholly copied verbatim from the Indianapolis Star article of 23 August.
 
Another note about the Flying Saucer Review article ...

In addition to claiming the "invaders" observed worldwide are "little guys / greenish", the Editorial explicitly refers to them twice (p. 2) as "little green men." The Kelly summary includes the Indianapolis Star text calling the visitors "little green men."

The former (Editorial) uses of the LGM phrasing makes me wonder whether "little green men" was common parlance prior to the August 1955 Kelly incident. If so, it would contradict the recurrent claim that the "little green men" label originated with this Kentucky incident and its reporting.
 
former (Editorial) uses of the LGM phrasing makes me wonder whether "little green men" was common parlance prior to the August 1955 Kelly incident. If so, it would contradict the recurrent claim that the "little green men" label originated with this Kentucky incident and its reporting.
What an astute observation.

I believe I might actually be able to back this up. :)

Post in thread 'Little Green Men: The Concept / The Meme / The Cliché' https://forums.forteana.org/index.p...oncept-the-meme-the-cliché.15469/post-2096595
 
In terms of being in on the truth of events I would imagine Lucky, J.C. and Taylor - Lucky's friend and the person tasked with spotting a 'flying saucer' - would be there as a minimum. Having someone with a gun who wasn't part of the conspiracy would be idiotic. Beyond that I would suspect Alene.

In the context of a hoax / gaslighting scenario ...

I agree about Alene - it's the best explanation for why she took the lead in talking with an Evansville reporter, and it's the best explanation for why she seems to have been the dominant informant among the women interviewed by Ledwith on the 22nd. She seemed to be a primary informant to both these inquirers on the 22nd.

There's also a possible clue in the fact Ms. Lankford told Andre she hadn't paid attention to the men's shenanigans until Alene approached her in a disturbed state circa 2200. Alene's approach to Ms. Glennie is easily interpretable as a ploy to get Ms. Glennie's attention after 1 - 2 hours of activity had failed to attract her interest.

This in turn suggests Alene may have been recruited into the hoax / gaslighting once it was underway rather than before it began. Alene is merely a non-presence in most all the narratives except Davis', when she influences Ms. Glennie to pay attention.

Furthermore, there's another clue that J. C. / Alene may not have been original co-conspirators but instead may have been let in on the hoax / gaslighting once it was underway. In the New Era article of 23 August Ms. Glennie is cited as saying "... one of her sons, J. C., an ex-service man, thought at first the strange situation was all a joke and tried to treat it lightly. But he soon changed his mind, the mother declared."

In other words, there are clues that J. C. and his wife Alene (two residents with a possible stake in moving out of the untenable farm situation) joined in furthering and amplifying the charade once it was in progress.
 
In other words, there are clues that J. C. and his wife Alene (two residents with a possible stake in moving out of the untenable farm situation) joined in furthering and amplifying the charade once it was in progress.

Consider the following (totally fictional / hypothetical) conversation, occurring at some point after Lucky and Taylor had begun shooting in the back yard ...
J. C.: Lucky - what are you guys shooting at? And what's the meaning of telling the others a flying saucer's landed out there in the fields?

Lucky: We're just making a ruckus, just some good clean mindless mischief.

J. C.: You keep it up and you might scare Mama.

Lucky: How's that a bad thing? If Mama got scared about this dead-end farm she might see the sense in taking the little ones and moving to a better place in Hoptown. Then you and Alene would be free to move, too, and you could find yourself a proper job.

J. C.: Hmmm ... I'll go grab the other shotgun.
:thought:
 
We don't know how much material Ledwith provided to Davis. All we know is that a discrete chunk of text focused on the 22 August sketching sessions was slotted into the eventual (1978) big report, along with miscellaneous in-line tidbits attributed to Ledwith.
On further perusals of Isabel Davis' report, the influence of Ledwith becomes significantly more appreciable.

Whilst the evidence has always been there, it's perhaps only now clearer how various pieces of this particular aspect's puzzle, seemingly fit together.

Isabel writes:

"It is at any rate verified that at least four or five shots were fired; Mr. Ledwith established the sequence of these (page 27).

He also obtained from the McCords a reliable statement about the guns in the farmhouse that night, and which of the men used each one (page 21)".

Therefore, it was Ledwith who, on page 27, outlined his understanding of the sequence,

As it would appear his evidence is also a mainstay of the next two pages, I have extracted all of same as one 'document', such that it can be viewed in context.

(Start)
When running away, the creatures seemed capable of extremely rapid movement (see below), and it was impossible to tell whether there were several of them, or whether there were only two or three that disappeared from one place and reappeared véy quickly in another.

The swiftness of these reappearances could easily have given the impression that there were many of them, but the figures given in the newspapers 10 or 22 or 15 - are almost certainly exaggerated; the episodes just described seem to be the only time when two were seen simultaneously.

When I interviewed her, Mrs. Lankford, in fact insisted that no more than one had ever been seen at a time.

Shots had now been fired at the creatures at least four times: first from the back door as the creature approached the house: second, the double shot from rifle and shotgun through the living room window; third, Lucky's shot from the front yard at the creature trying to touch Taylor's hair and fourth, the double shot at the creature in the tree.

Now, as the creature came round the corner of the house, Lucky brought the shotgun down to bear on it and fired at point-blank range. It sounded as if the shot had hit a metal bucket. The thing "flipped over," got up and ran off into the darkness, seemingly unhurt.

When a direct blast from a 12-gauge shotgun had no effect, Lucky made an obvious decision: he would leave the things alone.

The men went back into the house to try to think what to do next.

At some point, the lights over the front and back doors were turned on, and then someone noticed that whenever the creatures approached the house, they came from a dark part of the yard.

Was this an attempt at concealment? The rest of their behaviour makes it unlikely. It seems more probable that they disliked light As the sketches show (pages 44, 48, 51), the eyes were large and had neither pupil nor eyelid: that is, no method of accomodating to changes in the light.

Perhaps the most extraordinary feature of their behavior was their method of locomotion. Whenever they came toward the house they had an upright posture, walking slowly with their hands raised. (Talking to Mr. Ledwith the next morning, Mrs. Lankford said she thought the slow approach and raised hands meant that the creatures were trying to establish communication.)

When struck by shots on a tree-limb or on the roof, they performed their fantastic trick of not falling but floating toward the ground. But whenever they had been knocked over, while on the ground, by a shot, and had "flipped," in the Sutton's phrase, they moved differently. They lowered their hands to the ground and "ran" very rapidly - except that the arms seemed to furnish most of the propulsion; the thin legs, "as spindly as broom handles," seemed to be used only for balance and to move in unison.

The legs were inflexible. When the creatures "ran," the hip joints were flexed slightly - not much of a "bend" was necessary because their arms were so long and the huge hands so close to the ground. But the legs were never seen to bend as if there were a knee joint; they seemed inflexible, and might have almost been stilts. No one noticed the feet, although these must have been visible when the things floated. The arms were bent at the elbow when the creatures approached the house with raised hands, but no other flexibility of arms or hands was noticed, except for a slight movement of the taloned "fingers" when the hand reached down toward Taylor's head. Neither the eyes nor the head were seen to turn to "follow" the movements of the human beings.

One incident illustrates particularly well the creatures' reported ability to "float." a scraping or tapping noise was heard on the kitchen roof, and the men went into the back yard to see a creature moving up that roof. They shot at it and knocked it from the roof; then it "floated" to the back fence - a distance of some 40-odd feet - where it seemed to perch; they shot again, knocked it off the fence, and this time it scurried off into the weeds in the "all-fours" position'.

Except for the big glowing yellow eyes, the creatures were the same "color" all over. In the dark, this was a phosphorescent or luminescent glow, but when a light was turned on them this changed to a dull metallic look. The body surface gave the witnesses the impression that it was skin; if it was some kind of a space suit, as has been suggested, it covered them completely. The glow of the bodies increased when they were shot at or shouted at - as if noise affected the luminosity. The strange triangular ears - large, floppy, wrinkled like leather and pointed at the top - were seen by the women as extended somewhat outward, by the men as closer to the head. There was no hair, no indication of sex, and they gave off no smell.

The creatures made no noise at any time; the "mouth," if such it was (see sketches pages 44, 48, 51), never opened, and they made no sound when moving, although the weeds and bushes rustled when the creatures fled into them. The only noise associated with them was a slight scraping sound on the metal roof, as if the points of the talons were dragging lightly across it; this noise was also described as a tapping.

They never exhibited any behavior that could be described as hostile. They made no attempt to retaliate for the shooting. They never attempted to enter the house, simply stood at a door or window looking in. If performed by human beings, their actions would be interpreted as profound curiosity and persistence; but of course we can not know what their behavior meant. We do not even know that they recognized the shooting as a sign of antagonism.

The number of shots fired in all, by whom, and from exactly what positions, is not known, and statements on this point varied widely.
(END OF EXTRACT)

Continued in next posting....
 
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Continuation from previous posting...

The Ledwith evidence which has been isolated, does seem to equate with Hynek's remarks in 'The Hynek UFO Report':

"Mr. Ledwith recorded the following comments from various of the witnesses : many bullets were fired and a twelve-gauge shotgun was used...

Whenever it was hit, it would float or fall over and scurry for cover... The shots when striking the object would sound as though they were hitting a bucket. The objects made no sound - while jumping or walking or falling.

The undergrowth would rustle as the objects went through it... There was no sound of walking. The objects were seemingly weightless as they would float down from trees more than fall from them.

When they approached the house in all cases, the arms were raised in a "stick 'em up" fashion, and they would approach very slowly on their hind feet.

When struck with bullets or a flashlight, they would drop to hands position and run. Since the talon curls much in the same fashion as a hawk's and the hands were raised above the head, it apparently looked rather like an attack position. However, it may have been a friendly gesture to indicate that they had no weapons.

They would move slowly when in this position towards the houses and made no attempt to enter. They just stood and stared until they were frightened away.

On several occasions, all lights were turned out back and front and then they would approach from any angle.

Mr. Ledwith recorded the following comments from various of the witnesses : many bullets were fired and a twelve-gauge shotgun was used...

Whenever it was hit, it would float or fall over and scurry for cover... The shots when striking the object would sound as though they were hitting a bucket. The objects made no sound - while jumping or walking or falling.

The undergrowth would rustle as the objects went through it... There was no sound of walking. The objects were seemingly weightless as they would float down from trees more than fall from them.

When they approached the house in all cases, the arms were raised in a "stick 'em up" fashion, and they would approach very slowly on their hind feet.

When struck with bullets or a flashlight, they would drop to hands position and run. Since the talon curls much in the same fashion as a hawk's and the hands were raised above the head, it apparently looked rather like an attack position. However, it may have been a friendly gesture to indicate that they had no weapons.

They would move slowly when in this position towards the houses and made no attempt to enter. They just stood and stared until they were frightened away.

On several occasions, all lights were turned out back and front and then they would approach from any angle".

How was Hynek able to distinguish this as new evidence.

Perhaps a clue exists in Isabel Davis' report, where she inserts a note in her publication of Ledwith's statement (in capital letters):

LUCKY GAVE HIM A DISDAINFUL LOOK. TAYLOR BEGAN TO HEDGE, AND FINALLY SAID HE WASN'T SURE. THIS GAVE THE SOLDIER A BAD OUTLOOK ON TAYLOR; HE STARTED TO GO OVER THE DRAWING AGAIN, FEATURE BY FEATURE. (To judge by Hodson's final sketches ( see page 57), he did not retain his distrust very long. He also prompted Taylor; in a letter supplementing the above account, Mr. Ledwith says, "You can credit the ball-jointed arms to Mr. Taylor. As I sat across the room drawing the three men's idea of the little men, Hodson was pumping a very willing Billy Ray by exactly the method I had refused to use. You might say that he was 'priming' him as they went along. I remember hearing him ask about the way the arms moved, and whether they could move backward as well as forward. He advanced the 'ball-jointed' idea, and Billy Ray took it up like a piece of cake.")
(End)


So, there was an accompanying letter from Ledwith and it would obviously be helpful to see its overall contents.

No matter, the essence is this evidence from Ledwith and questions relating to origin and trustworthiness of same.

Being fairly detailed in its entirety, could all of this purported evidence have been gleamed during his witness interviews that Monday?

It patently doesn't seem to make remote sense, that in addition to his thorough, documented record of proceedings as published in 'Close Encounter at Kelly and Others of 1955', Ledwith kept a written, yet seperate account, which only featured this additional evidence.

In the original post this is the second of a two-part reply to, @EnolaGaia highlighted:

"I would also point out that most of the items in that listing of Ledwith discoveries are things that are directly mentioned or suggested in the earliest news accounts and Sanders' report".

We could certainly benefit from seeing what exactly Ledwith's additional contribution specifically stated and whether perhaps Isabel Davis has 'refreshed' the contents.

[Edited on 4/11//2021 by the author and some content removed following the discovery of new case evidence - see ensuing post #1082]
 
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RE: Taylor's Initial UFO Sighting

The canonical retellings of Taylor's UFO sighting make it seem he had a clear view of the aerial object from the time he first spied it until it allegedly stopped in midair and descended vertically into the gulley at some distance northeast of the house. Not all the accounts describe his sighting this way, but the most detailed ones seem to agree on this overflight plus stoppage / hovering and descent motif.

Taylor was standing at the well when he observed the object fly over and land.

Here's the Davis (D & B report, p. 9) map of the land surrounding the Lankford / Sutton farmstead.

Map-BRTSighting.jpg

I've added two dotted arrows to the map image:

- The red arrow extends from the approximate location of the well to the center of the gulley. This would be Taylor's line of sight.

- The blue arrow extends the direction-of-flight indicator on the original map. This happens to intersect the center of the gulley, but I don't claim it's a precise representation of the object's ground track.

Note that Taylor's line of sight passes through the 2 trees in the back yard near the well, and may also have intersected the edge of a tree line farther away, more than half-way to the gulley.

One must therefore question the extent to which Taylor's view could have been obscured by the intervening trees / foliage.
 
Here are two photos of the back yard, the well, and the trees. The first comes from The Tennessean feature article of 13 October 1957.

Tennessean-57-p99-Well.jpg

This is the closest thing to a contemporary image of the back yard / well I've ever seen.

This second image is undated, and it comes from Geraldine Stith's book.

GStith-p4-Well.jpg

This photo was taken from the corner of the house visible in the 1957 photo, so its vantage point is substantially closer to the well.

Given the amount of foliage on the two trees - how much of the sky could Taylor have seen standing at the well?

Furthermore, how could he have continuously tracked any object flying overhead toward the gulley?

If his view of the object's flight was intermittently obscured, how accurately could he have traced its trajectory, evaluated its distance, or even been certain the bright thing he saw descending at a distance was dropping into the gulley versus disappearing over his available horizon?
 
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